|
|
Home News Feeds
|
Sign Jewish Voice for Peace petition asking TIAA-CREF to divest from Israel's occupation! |
|
Written by JVP
|
|
Thursday, 15 July 2010 |
Please sign JVP's petition asking TIAA-CREF, one of the largest financial
services in the United States, to divest from the Israeli Occupation.
Will you join me? You can sign here: www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org .
TIAA-CREF invests in companies such as, CATERPILLAR, which profits from
the destruction of Palestinian homes and the uprooting of Palestinian
orchards; and VEOLIA, which profits from the construction and expansion
of illegal Jewish-only settlements in the West Bank, including East
Jerusalem.
This has got to stop.
Please help me convince TIAA-CREF to do the right thing. Join me in signing this petition: www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org
Thanks!
|
|
www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org.
|
|
Ilan Pappe: What drives Israel? |
|
Written by Ilan Pappe
|
|
Wednesday, 14 July 2010 |
Probably the most bewildering aspect of the Gaza flotilla affair has been the righteous indignation expressed by the Israeli government and people.
The nature of this response is not being fully reported in the UK press, but it includes official parades celebrating the heroism of the commandos who stormed the ship and demonstrations by schoolchildren giving their unequivocal support for the government against the new wave of anti-Semitism.
As someone who was born in Israel and went enthusiastically through the socialisation and indoctrination process until my mid-20s, this reaction is all too familiar. Understanding the root of this furious defensiveness is key to comprehending the principal obstacle for peace in Israel and Palestine. One can best define this barrier as the official and popular Jewish Israeli perception of the political and cultural reality around them.
A number of factors explain this phenomenon, but three are outstanding and they are interconnected. They form the mental infrastructure on which life in Israel as a Jewish Zionist individual is based, and one from which it is almost impossible to depart – as I know too well from personal experience.
The first and most important assumption is that what used to be historical Palestine is by sacred and irrefutable right the political, cultural and religious possession of the Jewish people represented by the Zionist movement and later the state of Israel.
Most of the Israelis, politicians and citizens alike, understand that this right can’t be fully realised. But although successive governments were pragmatic enough to accept the need to enter peace negotiations and strive for some sort of territorial compromise, the dream has not been forsaken. Far more important is the conception and representation of any pragmatic policy as an act of ultimate and unprecedented international generosity.
Any Palestinian, or for that matter international, dissatisfaction with every deal offered by Israel since 1948, has therefore been seen as insulting ingratitude in the face of an accommodating and enlightened policy of the “only democracy in the Middle East”. Now, imagine that the dissatisfaction is translated into an actual, and sometimes violent, struggle and you begin to understand the righteous fury. As schoolchildren, during military service and later as adult Israeli citizens, the only explanation we received for Arab or Palestinian responses was that our civilised behaviour was being met by barbarism and antagonism of the worst kind.
According to the hegemonic narrative in Israel there are two malicious forces at work. The first is the old familiar anti-Semitic impulse of the world at large, an infectious bug that supposedly affects everyone who comes into contact with Jews. According to this narrative, the modern and civilised Jews were rejected by the Palestinians simply because they were Jews; not for instance because they stole land and water up to 1948, expelled half of Palestine’s population in 1948 and imposed a brutal occupation on the West Bank, and lately an inhuman siege on the Gaza Strip. This also explains why military action seems the only resort: since the Palestinians are seen as bent on destroying Israel through some atavistic impulse, the only conceivable way of confronting them is through military might.
The second force is also an old-new phenomenon: an Islamic civilisation bent on destroying the Jews as a faith and a nation. Mainstream Israeli orientalists, supported by new conservative academics in the United States, helped to articulate this phobia as a scholarly truth. These fears, of course, cannot be sustained unless they are constantly nourished and manipulated.
From this stems the second feature relevant to a better understanding of the Israeli Jewish society. Israel is in a state of denial. Even in 2010, with all the alternative and international means of communication and information, most of the Israeli Jews are still fed daily by media that hides from them the realities of occupation, stagnation or discrimination. This is true about the ethnic cleansing that Israel committed in 1948, which made half of Palestine’s population refugees, destroyed half the Palestinian villages and towns, and left 80% of their homeland in Israeli hands. And it’s painfully clear that even before the apartheid walls and fences were built around the occupied territories, the average Israeli did not know, and could not care, about the 40 years of systematic abuses of civil and human rights of millions of people under the direct and indirect rule of their state.
Nor have they had access to honest reports about the suffering in the Gaza Strip over the past four years. In the same way, the information they received on the flotilla fits the image of a state attacked by the combined forces of the old anti-Semitism and the new Islamic Judacidal fanatics coming to destroy the state of Israel. (After all, why would they have sent the best commando elite in the world to face defenceless human rights activists?)
As a young historian in Israel during the 1980s, it was this denial that first attracted my attention. As an aspiring professional scholar I decided to study the 1948 events and what I found in the archives sent me on a journey away from Zionism. Unconvinced by the government’s official explanation for its assault on Lebanon in 1982 and its conduct in the first Intifada in 1987, I began to realise the magnitude of the fabrication and manipulation. I could no longer subscribe to an ideology which dehumanised the native Palestinians and which propelled policies of dispossession and destruction.
The price for my intellectual dissidence was foretold: condemnation and excommunication. In 2007 I left Israel and my job at Haifa University for a teaching position in the United Kingdom, where views that in Israel would be considered at best insane, and at worst as sheer treason, are shared by almost every decent person in the country, whether or not they have any direct connection to Israel and Palestine.
That chapter in my life – too complicated to describe here – forms the basis of my forthcoming book, Out Of The Frame, to be published this autumn. But in brief, it involved the transformation of someone who had been a regular and unremarkable Israeli Zionist, and it came about because of exposure to alternative information, close relationships with several Palestinians and post-graduate studies abroad in Britain.
My quest for an authentic history of events in the Middle East required a personal de-militarisation of the mind. Even now, in 2010, Israel is in many ways a settler Prussian state: a combination of colonialist policies with a high level of militarisation in all aspects of life. This is the third feature of the Jewish state that has to be understood if one wants to comprehend the Israeli response. It is manifested in the dominance of the army over political, cultural and economic life within Israel. Defence minister Ehud Barak was the commanding officer of Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, in a military unit similar to the one that assaulted the flotilla. That background was profoundly significant in terms of the state’s Zionist response to what they and all the commando officers perceived as the most formidable and dangerous enemy.
You probably have to be born in Israel, as I was, and go through the whole process of socialisation and education – including serving in the army – to grasp the power of this militarist mentality and its dire consequences. And you need such a background to understand why the whole premise on which the international community’s approach to the Middle East is based, is utterly and disastrously wrong.
The international response is based on the assumption that more forthcoming Palestinian concessions and a continued dialogue with the Israeli political elite will produce a new reality on the ground. The official discourse in the West is that a very reasonable and attainable solution – the two states solution – is just around the corner if all sides would make one final effort. Such optimism is hopelessly misguided.
The only version of this solution that is acceptable to Israel is the one that both the tamed Palestine Authority in Ramallah and the more assertive Hamas in Gaza could never accept. It is an offer to imprison the Palestinians in stateless enclaves in return for ending their struggle. And thus even before one discusses either an alternative solution – one democratic state for all, which I myself support – or explores a more plausible two-states settlement, one has to transform fundamentally the Israeli official and public mindset. It is this mentality which is the principal barrier to a peaceful reconciliation within the fractured terrain of Israel and Palestine.
How can one change it? That is the biggest challenge for activists within Palestine and Israel, for Palestinians and their supporters abroad and for anyone in the world who cares about peace in the Middle East. What is needed is, firstly, recognition that the analysis put forward here is valid and acceptable. Only then can one discuss the prognosis.
It is difficult to expect people to revisit a history of more than 60 years in order to comprehend better why the present international agenda on Israel and Palestine is misguided and harmful. But one can surely expect politicians, political strategists and journalists to reappraise what has been euphemistically called the “peace process” ever since 1948. They need also to be reminded that what actually happened.
Since 1948, Palestinians have been struggling against the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. During that year, they lost 80% of their homeland and half of them were expelled. In 1967, they lost the remaining 20%. They were fragmented geographically and traumatised like no other people during the second half of the 20th century. And had it not been for the steadfastness of their national movement, the fragmentation would have enabled Israel to take over historical Palestine as a whole and push the Palestinians into oblivion.
Transforming a mindset is a long process of education and enlightenment. Against all the odds, some alternative groups within Israel have begun this long and winding road to salvation. But in the meantime Israeli policies, such as the blockade on Gaza, have to be stopped. They will not cease in response to feeble condemnations of the kind we heard last week, nor is the movement inside Israel strong enough to produce a change in the foreseeable future. The danger is not only the continued destruction of the Palestinians but a constant Israeli brinkmanship that could lead to a regional war, with dire consequences for the stability of the world as a whole.
In the past, the free world faced dangerous situations like that by taking firm actions such as the sanctions against South Africa and Serbia. Only sustained and serious pressure by Western governments on Israel will drive the message home that the strategy of force and the policy of oppression are not accepted morally or politically by the world to which Israel wants to belong.
The continued diplomacy of negotiations and “peace talks” enables the Israelis to pursue uninterruptedly the same strategies, and the longer this continues, the more difficult it will be to undo them. Now is the time to unite with the Arab and Muslim worlds in offering Israel a ticket to normality and acceptance in return for an unconditional departure from past ideologies and practices.
Removing the army from the lives of the oppressed Palestinians in the West Bank, lifting the blockade in Gaza and stopping the racist and discriminatory legislation against the Palestinians inside Israel, could be welcome steps towards peace.
It is also vital to discuss seriously and without ethnic prejudices the return of the Palestinian refugees in a way that would respect their basic right of repatriation and the chances for reconciliation in Israel and Palestine. Any political outfit that could promise these achievements should be endorsed, welcomed and implemented by the international community and the people who live between the river Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea.
And then the only flotillas making their way to Gaza would be those of tourists and pilgrims.
Ilan Pappe is professor of history at the University of Exeter, and director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies. His books include The Ethnic Cleansing Of Palestine and A History Of Modern Palestine. His forthcoming memoir, Out Of The Frame (published this October by Pluto Press), will chart his break with mainstream Israeli scholarship and its consequences. |
|
www.heraldscotland.com/comment/guest-commentary/essay-of-the-week-what-drives-israel-1.1032971
|
|
|
Anti-BDS bill makes its way through the Knesset |
|
Written by Adam Horowitz
|
|
Wednesday, 14 July 2010 |
Haaretz
reports on a bill which would make it illegal for an Israeli to
"launch or incite" a boycott against Israel: Under the
new law, any group could sue damages of up to NIS 30,000 from anyone
who launched a boycott against them, or incited a boycott, without
having to prove that damage was indeed caused. An additional sum could
then be demanded once damages were proven. The bill comes in
response to a wide range of boycotts – financial, academic, and others –
that have recently been encountered in Israel. Elkin said Tuesday that
"we mustn't accept boycotts against Israel, whether academic or
economic. The state must protect itself from the increasing processes of
delegitimization, and provide compensation to those harmed by it." "The
wall-to-wall support of this bill proves that members of Knesset
recognize the need to maintain a balance between democratic rights and
the premeditated targeting of Israeli bodies," Elkin went on to say.
The
article references a U.S. law "forbidding Americans from participating
in boycotts on U.S. allies, including Israel." I don't think this is
factually correct. My guess is that it's referring to the 1977 law making
it illegal for U.S. citizens to participate in the Arab League boycott
of Israel. This law is irrelevant to today's BDS movement as the BDS
call is not related to the Arab League boycott, or called for by a
foreign country. For more on this issue see this resource from the US Campaign to End
the Israeli Occupation - Impact of Federal Anti-Boycott And Other
Laws On BDS Campaigns (PDF).
|
|
mondoweiss.net/2010/07/anti-bds-bill-makes-its-way-through-the-knesset.html
|
|
|
9th Annual National Organizers' Conference, July 23-25 |
|
Written by US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation
|
|
Wednesday, 14 July 2010 |
9th Annual National Organizers' Conference, July
23-25
Join us in Kansas City, MO for our next annual national organizers' conference. |
|
www.endtheoccupation.org/article.php?list=type&type=340
|
|
|
Palestinian homes bulldozed as Israeli freeze on demolitions appears to end |
|
Written by Harriet Sherwood, in Jerusalem
|
|
Tuesday, 13 July 2010 |
Palestinian homes bulldozed as Israeli freeze on demolitions appears to end
East Jerusalem families hit by destruction order
Demolition of a Palestinian home An unfinished Palestinian home in the East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Isawiyya being bulldozed by Israelis today. Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
Israeli bulldozers destroyed at least three Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem today, breaking an unofficial moratorium on house demolitions since the end of 2009.
At least one of the homes was occupied by a family of seven, who removed their belongings shortly before the building was razed.
"They can build hundreds of settlements but I'm not entitled to live in a shack?" Linda al-Rajabi was quoted in the Israeli media as saying.
Two of the demolished homes were in the last stages of construction.
Jerusalem city authorities said all the homes were built without proper planning permission, which Palestinians say is almost impossible to obtain.
Under pressure from Washington, Israel has largely refrained from carrying out demolition orders since last November, when a temporary and partial freeze on settlement construction was agreed.
Approval was given yesterdayfor the building of 32 new homes in the settlement of Pisgat Ze'ev, in East Jerusalem, which is exempt from the freeze. A further 48 housing units are expected to be approved next week.
All settlements on land which Israel occupied in 1967 are illegal under international law.
"The rule of thumb in this part of the world is that in the run-up to US elections Israel has a free hand," said Jeff Halper, of the International Committee against House Demolitions. "Israel is now taking advantage of that."
Meanwhile, the Israeli navy said it had made contact with the Libyan aid ship Amalthea, which is attempting to break the sea blockade of Gaza. The ship, carrying 2,000 tons of supplies and 15 activists, is expected to reach territorial waters off Gaza sometime tomorrow.
Israel has urged the ship's captain to divert to the Egyptian port of el-Arish, but insists it will intercept the boat if it continues on course to Gaza.
|
|
/www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jul/13/palestinian-homes-bulldozed-israeli
|
|
|
Something Wonderful Happened at the Presbyterian General Assembly |
|
Written by Mark Braverman
|
|
Tuesday, 13 July 2010 |
Something Wonderful Happened
I’ve just returned from Minneapolis, having attended the 219th
General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church USA at the invitation of
the denomination’s Israel Palestine Mission Network. The PC(USA) is at
the epicenter of the struggle of the Christian community in the U.S. to
come to terms with the challenge of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
A victory had already been achieved before the start of the
Assembly. Overtures from presbyteries from around the country
urging action on justice for Palestinians would amount to over 40% of
the actions considered by the Assembly. These included revisiting
the 2004 decision to undertake phased divestment from companies
implicated in the illegal occupation of Palestinian land and an overture
affirming that Israel’s actions meet the United Nations definition for
the crime of Apartheid. A centerpiece of Presbyterian actions was the
call to approve the
report of the Middle East Study Committee. The MESC, commissioned by
the 2008 General Assembly, had produced a 170 page report entitled
“Breaking Down the Walls.” The report documents the committee’s
first-hand observation of the Israeli occupation’s impact on Palestinian
society and includes specific recommendations, including urging the
U.S. government to make military aid to Israel contingent on ending the
occupation.
Predictably, the forces of opposition had gathered. As early as
February of this year, the Simon Wiesenthal Center attacked the report,
calling it a “poisonous document by the Presbyterian Church [that] will
be nothing short of a declaration of war on Israel.” This broadside by
the Los Angeles-based Jewish advocacy group went on to declare that the
report “shakes the foundations of interfaith relations.” This is the
tack that has been taken for years by the mainstream Jewish community –
both secular organizations like Wiesenthal as well as the religious
denominations — claiming that any questions about Israel’s policies or
the Zionist project itself partakes of anti-Semitism. The charge of
anti-Semitism and the prospect of a disruption in the “interfaith
partnership” has been effective in stifling the discourse and in
thwarting actions directed at Israel’s policies. Implicit and sometime
explicit in these statements is the threat that such “unfriendly”
behavior by Christians will result in the removal of Jewish friendship.
This strategy has intensified in recent years in response to efforts by
church denominations to take a principled stand on the Israel-Palestine
issue. Most recently, the biweekly Christian Century published
an article by Ted Smith and Amy-Jill Levine, professors at Vanderbilt
Seminary. Appearing the week preceding the PC(USA) General Assembly, the
article, entitled “Habits of
Anti-Judaism,” strongly critiqued the MESC report. In the opening to
a letter to the Christian Century I wrote the following:
“The intent of the Presbyterian Middle
East Study Committee Report “Breaking Down the Walls” is clear: “to
break down these walls that stand in the way of the realization of God’s
peaceful and just kingdom.” But in their critique of the report
published in your June 29 issue, Ted Smith and Amy-Jill Levine
of Vanderbilt Seminary strike at the heart of this message. They ask us
to believe that the report advocates “a historical narrative that points
indirectly to a single state—a new social body—in which a Palestinian
majority displaces Jews.” In a shocking distortion of the Study Group’s
evocation of Ephesians 2:14, they claim that “’Breaking down the walls’
in order to form ‘one new humanity in the place of two’ evokes old
echoes of theological supersessionism and transposes them into a
political key.” “Old habits die hard,” lament Smith and Levine. But it
is the habit of crying anti-Semitism whenever Jewish sensibilities are
disturbed or the actions of the State of Israel are questioned that we
must urgently confront.”
(Full text of the letter.)
The aim of the article was clear – to strengthen the hand of those
who wanted to prevent passage of the report. And why not? This is a
time-honored approach — it has always worked. I feared that it would
prove just as effective in this case. I arrived in Minneapolis convinced
that, except for the efforts of a courageous but small and embattled
minority within the denomination, the natural commitment to social
justice and support for the oppressed on the part of most Presbyterians
would again be trumped by concern for preserving the relationship with
the Jewish community. I was betting that the tactics of the Wiesenthal
Center and the arguments of Smith and Levine would serve, as they always
have, to muzzle the conversation and block actions that might offend
Jewish sensibilities or be perceived as hostile to the Jewish state.
A thing of beauty
I was wrong. Yes, the concerns about the feelings of Jews when Israel
is “attacked” are still there, and they exert a powerful pull on
Presbyterians’ decisions. But something wonderful happened last week in
Minneapolis.
I watched as the committee charged with studying “Breaking Down the
Walls,” and recommending action to the GA debated the matter. I listened
to the arguments for and against approval of the report. Those in favor
passionately talked about the suffering of the Palestinians under
occupation. Those against spoke just as passionately about the report’s
seeming “anti-Israel” bias, claiming that to approve the report would be
to cut off dialogue with the Jewish community. I noted what seemed like
a universe of disagreement between the two positions. I despaired that
anyone who, unlike the study group itself, had not seen the occupation
with his or her own eyes would understand that the report was not biased
– that it was simply telling the truth and recommending that the church
respond accordingly.
But something happened. The committee clearly wanted to find a
way to have the report adopted. A group from the committee stayed
up all night to craft a number of changes. Problems with perceived bias
against Israel were fixed. The obligatory language about Israel’s right
to exist was inserted. None of these changes touched the faithful
witness and prophetic heart of the report. While strongly asserting
the church’s commitment to Israel’s security and wellbeing, the Study
Committee’s report as presented to the General Assembly clearly presents
the narrative of Palestinian dispossession and suffering. It asserts
that Israel’s actions, illegal and in violation of international law,
are an “enduring threat to peace in the region.” It receives the Palestinian
Kairos document, a courageous and heartfelt call of Palestinian
Christians “from the heart of Palestinian suffering” to the churches of
the world, and recommends it for study by Presbyterians. It calls on the
U.S. government to end aid to Israel unless the country stops
settlement expansion in Palestinian territories.
The report came before the 730+ commissions on Friday June 9 and was
approved by a vote of 82%. When the results were displayed on the
screen, the assembled broke into applause – which is against the rules
but in this case the moderator, smiling, allowed the spontaneous
outburst to go on! The applause, breaking through these restraints,
meant one thing: this is where the denomination wants to go. Then
something else unusual happened – the Moderator, Cindy Bolbach, offered a
prayer, thanking God for guiding the assembled to this act, for
breaking down the walls dividing people and standing in the way of
peace. The thousands of people in the hall bowed their heads in
reverence. They knew that something important had happened.
It is not always clear from down on the floor, in the thick of
things. But looking back, I see that the PC(USA) General Assembly is a
thing of beauty. This church is committed to tearing down walls.
Watching the plenary, one witnessed a courageous and heartfelt struggle
with things that matter: gay and lesbian ordination and
honoring of marriages; benefits for civil union partners; how to
respond to state laws that violate the rights of immigrants. With
respect to the Israel-Palestine question, the struggle will continue.
Other overtures did not fare as well as the MESC report. Even though
overtures to divest denomination pension funds — close to 10 million
dollars — from Caterpillar (the company manufactures the bulldozers that
destroy Palestinian homes and build the separation wall) have been
proposed at every General Assembly since 2004 (actually it passed in
2004 and then withdrawn in the face of a juggernaut of institutional
Jewish pressure, but that’s another story), the overture failed. In
addition, Presbyterians could not bring themselves to approve the
overture naming Israel’s policies as Apartheid.
But here is the thing: it is clear to me that all but a small
minority of the 36 who voted against that overture in committee (the
vote was 16-36) agree that Israel’s actions meet the UN definition of
the crime of Apartheid. What drove the vote was not the substance of the
overture but rather the belief, as stated in a comment on the vote
inserted by the committee, “that dialogue is hampered by words like
‘apartheid.’” It was also clear to me in listening to the debate that,
despite the stubborn unwillingness to move to divestment, all but a
fringe within the denomination agree that Caterpillar is building
machines that illegally and criminally destroy Palestinian life and that
the denomination must pressure the company to stop (the Assembly did
pass an overture that “denounces” the corporation). The issues are not
in question. What is in question for a steadily decreasing percentage —
again, this is clear if you are paying attention — is the proper method
for action.
To the Presbyterians: learning to love us
Sixty five years ago, Christians, confronted with the horror of the
Nazi genocide, began a painful, faithful process of reconciling with the
Jewish people. Presbyterians today didn’t choose to be in the difficult
position of having to choose between their commitment to justice and
preserving their hard-won friendship with the Jews. But the hard fact is
that there has been no getting around this conflict. It has come about
because of the policies of the State of Israel and the choice, so far,
of the American Jewish establishment to adopt a bullying, defensive
stance in response to Christian efforts to address the injustice. Under
these challenging conditions, you have had to struggle to learn how to
love us well and rightly. And that you are doing. The more you call us
to account for our sins and challenge us to be true to the values of our
tradition, the more you show your commitment to our friendship. The
spirit and the specifics of the MESC report are fully in line with
Jewish aspirations and beliefs. More than that – in its powerful plea to
break down the walls, it takes my people where we urgently need to go
today – to tear down the walls – both psychological and physical – that
we have erected between ourselves and the people with whom we share a
land and a common history. For thousands of years, our survival as Jews
depended on building walls. Now it depends on tearing them down.
In commissioning and producing this precious and faithful document of
“Breaking Down the Walls” you have demonstrated your love for us. It
is love in the deepest, truest sense – love as Jesus and Paul teach us
to love – love the way Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Jeremiah taught us
when they spoke truth to power and reminded us of our responsibility to
our fellow creatures and to the earth itself. In going back into the
fray, year after year, to consider divestment from the companies that
are participating in our sin, and to call us to account for building an
apartheid state in full view of the world, you are loving us well. This
year, the arguments marshaled against these faithful actions of the
denomination, calling them biased and unbalanced, claiming that they
will disrupt your “partnership” with us, simply sounded tired.
Minneapolis is the beginning of the end of all that.
|
|
markbraverman.org/2010/07/report-from-the-presbyterian-general-assembly-part-1/
|
|
|
Israeli whitewasher on flotilla inquiry once called for ’suffering of 100s of 1000s of people’ |
|
Written by Norman Finkelstein
|
|
Tuesday, 13 July 2010 |
The
head of the investigation that said
Israel made some mistakes but basically did the right thing
in raiding the Mavi Marmara on May 31 is General Giora Eiland.
A note from Norman Finkelstein: It's useful to remember who
Giora Eiland is. The Goldstone
Report listed Eiland as one of the ideological architects of the
Gaza massacre: [Paragraph] 1196. After the war in
southern Lebanon in 2006, a number of senior former military figures
appeared to develop the thinking that underlay the strategy set out by
Gen. Eiskenot. In particular Major General (Ret.) Giora Eiland has
argued that, in the event of another war with Hizbullah, the target must
not be the defeat of Hizbullah but “the elimination of the Lebanese
military, the destruction of the national infrastructure and intense
suffering among the population… Serious damage to the Republic of
Lebanon, the destruction of homes and infrastructure, and the suffering
of hundreds of thousands of people are consequences that can influence
Hizbollah’s behaviour more than anything else”. [Giora Eiland, "The
Third Lebanon War: Target Lebanon," Strategic Assessment (November
2008)]
|
|
mondoweiss.net/2010/07/israeli-whitewasher-on-flotilla-inquiry-once-called-for-suffering-of-100s-of-1000s-of-people.html
|
|
|
After End of Freeze, Settlers Plan Major Building [July 4 – July 10] |
|
Written by MIFTAH
|
|
Monday, 12 July 2010 |
|
While US President Barack Obama described the meeting on July 6 between
himself and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as "excellent",
the Palestinians remain wary that any positive outcome will come as a
result. Many have dubbed the reunion the "makeup meeting" after months
of tension between Israel and the US. This time, however, Obama was sure
to shower praises on the Israeli leader, calling the bond between the
two countries as "unbreakable."
Obama also said Israel's decision to allow more goods into Gaza was
'"real progress" and hoped there would be further confidence building
measures that would pave the way for direct negotiations. However, the
President ensured Netanyahu that the US would "never ask Israel to do
anything that undermines its security."
In return, Netanyahu said he was ready for direct negotiations with the
Palestinians, evading offering any direct response to questions on
whether Israel would extend the 10-month moratorium on West Bank
settlement construction, due to expire in September.
On July 8, the Israeli premier told the Council on Foreign Relations in
New York that if direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians
began, it would be possible to reach a peace deal within a year. While
Netanyahu paid lip-service to "two states for two peoples," he followed
it up with the condition of Israel's security being guaranteed, and the
creation of a "demilitarized Palestinian state that recognizes the State
of Israel."
Netanyahu was sure to throw the diplomatic ball into the Palestinian
leadership's court by offering to start direct negotiations, something
the Palestinians say can only happen if settlement expansion is stopped
completely both in the West Bank and east Jerusalem.
"I use this forum today to say, President Abbas, meet me, and let's talk
peace. And I say let's start it right now, today, tomorrow, in
Jerusalem, in Ramallah or anywhere else. Let's get on with the business
of talking peace and concluding the peace agreement," he said.
Unfortunately, Netanyahu never mentioned anything about a freeze of
settlements or a sovereign Palestinian state.
On July 9, three days after the Washington meeting, Obama phoned
President Mahmoud Abbas to brief him. During the phone call, Barack
reportedly reiterated his administration's support for Abbas' leadership
and its commitment to peace. Abbas, while also expressing his own
commitment to peace, framed it within the framework of a 'serious
process that would end the occupation" and result in the establishment
of an independent Palestinian state.
Earlier in the week, on July 4 and apparently in preparation for the
Obama-Netanyhau meeting, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Prime
Minister Salam Fayyad met for the first time in months. While the
meeting was closed, the two were said to discuss issues such as the
lifting of the Gaza siege, Israeli measures in Jerusalem and the Israeli
army incursions into the West Bank. Palestinian opposition groups such
as Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
criticized Fayyad for meeting with Barak, saying this was a validation
of the occupation's measures and a kowtowing to Israeli and US
pressures.
Palestinians are mostly concerned with the continued settlement
construction in east Jerusalem and even in the West Bank despite
Israel's so-called freeze. While Netanyahu remains non-committal to
whether his government would extend the freeze or not, settler groups in
the West Bank are revving up for a major construction boom the second
the moratorium ends. According to a report published in the Israeli
daily Haaretz on July 5, regional councils for West Bank settlements
have plans to build at least 2,700 housing units come September 27, the
date the 10 month freeze expires.
Furthermore, according to the Israeli human rights organization,
B'Tselem, the aforementioned settlers and their organizations control 42
percent of West Bank territory even though technically speaking, the
built up area of settlements only accounts for one percent, due to what
Israel claims is "state owned land" which is largely privately owned
Palestinian land.
What is equally as disturbing is a report released on July 6 in an
article in the New York Times which revealed that some $200 million in
tax free funding from American donors has made its way to West Bank
settlers and illegal settlements thanks to tax breaks. According to the
report, at least 40 American groups raised the abovementioned amount in
tax-deductible gifts for Jewish settlers over the past 10 years.
Finally, Israel has apparently come to an agreement with Greek
authorities not to allow a Libyan ship to set sail for Gaza today.
Israel had previously launched intensive efforts in the UN urging the
international community not to allow the humanitarian ship to try and
break the siege of Gaza. On July 10, Israel's foreign ministry announced
the ship would most likely not set sail at all and if it did, it would
change its course to dock in Al Arish, Egypt.
|
|
miftah.org/Display.cfm?DocId=22326&CategoryId=10
|
|
| << Start < Prev 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Next > End >>
| | Results 41 - 48 of 1385 |
|
|