Washington — As predictions of a Republican tidal wave in the coming 
congressional elections became more certain, some Israelis were 
experiencing goose bumps of anticipation.
Many on the right in Israel believe a shift of one or both houses of 
Congress to a Republican majority could limit the Obama administration’s
 ability to pressure Jerusalem — even more than it is already limited 
with the Democrats — in its quest for a peace deal between Israel and 
the Palestinians.
Friendlier?: If the Republicans were to capture the House in the 
upcoming elections, John Boehner would become speaker. GETTY IMAGES
Early in his current term, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu 
expressed his own predilection succinctly: “I speak Republican,” he told
 Alon Pinkas, a top Israeli diplomat whose help he was seeking in 
establishing rapport with President Obama, then new to the White House. 
Currently, Netanyahu refrains from speaking on the issue but is still 
said to be watching the November elections closely.
Israeli officials, according to a congressional source, have also been 
raising questions in recent weeks about a possible change in U.S. policy
 if Democrats lose the House.
“Netanyahu fears a strong Obama who can apply pressure,” said Yaron 
Deckel, Israeli TV’s Channel 1 political commentator. “If the 
Republicans win big in the midterm elections, Obama will be weaker and 
less inclined to pressure Israel, and that will buy Netanyahu more 
time.”
But even if Republicans do win a majority in the House of 
Representatives, they will not, say some analysts, be like the 
Republicans Netanyahu worked with in the 1990s. While hawkish and 
pro-Israel, the new GOP leadership sees Israel as a lower-level 
priority, these analysts say.
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“Gingrich loved the issue of Israel,” said Doug Bloomfield, a veteran 
Congress watcher, political consultant and former lobbyist for the 
American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the pro-Israel Washington 
lobby, referring to former Republican House Speaker Newt Gingrich.
John Boehner, the current House minority leader, “does not,” Bloomfield 
continued. Boehner will become House speaker if Republicans win a 
majority. “Bibi doesn’t have a Republican leadership that is interested 
in Israel as an issue,” Bloomfield said.
Furthermore, the neo-conservative strain of the Republican Party that 
was dominant during Netanyahu’s first term as prime minister and was 
highly active on foreign policy issues is in decline. Greater influence 
in the party now lies in the hands of the Tea Party movement, a group 
for whom foreign policy is a second-tier concern. The Tea Party movement
 contains several contradictory strains when it comes to Israel.
Still, some observers believe that a Republican gain would benefit 
Israeli opponents of the Obama administration’s Middle East policy.
Yoram Ettinger, a defender of Israel’s permanent hold on the West Bank 
who served in the early 1990s as minister for congressional affairs at 
Israel’s embassy in Washington, said a defeat of Democrats would 
“express total mistrust in a president who is critical toward Israel.” 
Ettinger, currently a consultant on U.S.-Israel relations at the Ariel 
Center for Policy Research, said Israel should seize the opportunity a 
GOP majority would present and upgrade its work with Congress. “We will 
see a new political equation that is much more comfortable for Israel,” 
he said.
Israelis have been accused in the past of heavy-handed meddling in 
American politics. Arriving as Israel’s ambassador to Washington in the 
presidential election year 1968, Yitzhak Rabin famously spoke openly of 
his preference for Richard Nixon over Hubert Humphrey, angering Jewish 
Democrats. And in the late 1990s, Netanyahu was widely seen as allying 
himself with the Republican majority then in Congress in an attempt to 
deter President Bill Clinton from pressing forward with the peace 
process. Memorably, Netanyahu chose to open his high-stakes January 1998
 visit to Washington with a series of meetings with conservative 
congressional leaders, including Gingrich and Kansas Republican Senator 
Sam Brownback, before heading to the White House to meet with Clinton.
Back then, Congress took many measures that complicated Clinton’s drive 
for an Israeli-Palestinian agreement, including passing a law requiring 
that the U.S. embassy be moved to Jerusalem (though, at the 
administration’s insistence, a presidential waiver of the requirement 
was included). Congress also put restrictions on U.S. funding and 
recognition of the Palestinian Authority.
But Middle East expert David Makovsky warned against expectations that a
 Republican Congress this time would curb the president’s drive for 
Israeli-Palestinian peace. “History doesn’t necessarily repeat itself,” 
said Makovsky, director of the project on Middle East peace at the 
Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
Hadar Susskind, vice president for policy and strategy at J Street, 
speculated that if Democrats lose their House majority, the 
administration could focus even more on foreign policy. “We could see 
the administration stymied on domestic issues, and the place where it 
can succeed, and where Congress cannot block, is foreign policy,” he 
said.
Congress’ ability to intervene on foreign policy issues is limited, but 
does exist. A Republican-led House could blast the White House with 
letters, could adopt declarative resolutions and could pass legislation 
that would make promoting an American peace plan for the Middle East 
more difficult.
One proposal already being discussed if Republicans take over the House 
is detaching U.S. aid to Israel from the foreign aid bill. Virginia Rep.
 Eric Cantor, who is expected to take a House leadership role if 
Republicans win a majority, told the JTA that such a separation would 
make it easier to maintain aid to Israel while cutting U.S. assistance 
to other foreign countries‑‑a popular goal for many Tea Partiers. Israel
 currently receives nearly $3 billion in yearly military assistance.
Democrats blased the proposal, warning it would ulitmately endanger aid to Israel by isolating it.
A Congressional Democratic staff member pointed also to the impact a 
switch to a Republican majority could have on coordination between the 
White House and Congress. Recently, the administration has worked 
closely on Iran sanctions legislation with Howard Berman, the Democratic
 chair of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. At the request of the 
White House, Berman delayed a vote on sanctions legislation, despite 
Republican pressure, until the administration completed international 
consultations that led to a United Nations resolution on this issue. It 
is not clear if Florida Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who is expected 
to chair the committee if her party wins the majority, would act in the 
same way.
Citing the sanctions bill as an example, New York Democrat Gary 
Ackerman, argued that Israel’s best bet for addressing any concerns 
about Obama’s policy would be for Democrats to retain power. “I’m not 
saying that if the Republicans take the House it would be doomsday for 
Israel, but if they want positive influence on the White House, that’s 
us,” said Ackerman, who chairs the subcommittee on the Middle East and 
South Asia of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Ackerman and other Jewish Democrats point to the forceful criticisms 
they conveyed to the White House when they thought that Obama was 
leaning too hard on Israel.
“If you need the president, you need us as chairs of the committees,” 
Ackerman said as he listed what he called the “first-class team” of 
Jewish pro-Israel Democrats who chair key House committees: Berman at 
Foreign Affairs, Barney Frank at Financial Services, Henry Waxman at the
 Energy and Commerce committee, Sander Levin at Ways and Means, and 
Ackerman himself in his role as head of the Middle East subcommittee. 
“We are all pro-Israel and we all have major, major, major influence in 
the executive branch.”
Contact Nathan Guttman at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.