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Written by Joharah Baker for MIFTAH Joharah Baker for MIFTAH
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Category: News News
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Published: 24 August 2009 24 August 2009
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Last Updated: 24 August 2009 24 August 2009
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Created: 24 August 2009 24 August 2009
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It is a rare occasion when any Palestinian agrees with Israeli Foreign
Minister Avigdor Lieberman. Unfortunately, his statement about the
prospects of peace rings hauntingly true.
"In the 16 years since the Oslo Accords, we haven't managed to bring
peace to the region, and I'm willing to bet that there won't be peace
in another 16 years, either. Certainly not on the basis of the
two-state solution," Lieberman said.
Palestinians will definitely disagree with the right-wing minister over
why peace is not likely, but the fact remains that he does have a very
valid point. If peace were to prevail on the basis of a two-state
solution, this would have been achieved years ago, at least as far back
as the Oslo Accords in 1993. However, the facts on the ground today
have completely sabotaged any real chance for two states, or at least
for a viable, geographically contiguous Palestinian state, to come into
being.
The reasons are obvious. Since 1988, the Palestinians have officially
accepted the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders,
that is, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and east Jerusalem. This
declaration alone had plenty of holes in it, given that practically, it
was a relinquishment of 78 percent of historical Palestine. It also
meant the fate of over four million Palestinian refugees, kicked out of
their homes in 1948 and never to return, would be up for negotiation.
Still, in the name of a final peaceful solution and an independent
country to call their own, the bulk of Palestinians accepted the future
state of Palestine alongside Israel.
Fundamentally, the problem with this solution is not in the actual
proposal, which as mentioned earlier, is workable after the initial
compromise was accepted. No. Rather the problem lies in what has
happened since then and what continues to happen until today. All
parties, especially the Palestinians and Israelis, understand that the
core of the conflict is about land. One only has to look at the
disappearing hilltops of the West Bank to confirm this. Instead of the
rolling green and brown hills characteristic of Palestine's terrain,
hideous and foreign-looking red-roofed settlements have blanketed much
of the horizon. At present, the 120-some illegal Jewish settlements in
the West Bank and east Jerusalem (yes, these are illegal too), along
with their infrastructure and Jewish-only bypass roads have devoured
huge chunks of the occupied West Bank.
What's more, these settlements have been strategically placed by Israel
in a way that slices the Palestinian territories into divided and
isolated cantons, connected only by Israeli-manned checkpoints. The
West Bank is no longer one geographic entity, like it used to be
pre-1967. Neither is east Jerusalem, also considered occupied territory
under international law. Instead of the international community – in
this case the United Nations- ensuring that the occupied territories
remain untouched until a final solution for them is reached, it has
turned a blind eye for over 40 years to Israel's colonialist expansion
there, the result of which is now half a million Jewish settlers living
on occupied Palestinian land and essentially robbing the Palestinians
of any real chance at establishing their own state.
In comes US President Barack Obama. He, unlike many of his
predecessors, also understands that land is key to any permanent
solution. That is why he has insisted that settlement construction be
frozen. The question however, is how effective will this be even if he
does secure a freeze on settlement construction for a year, something
which looks unlikely given Israel's obstinacy on the subject? Reports
have circulated about Israel begrudgingly accepting a six-month hiatus
in settlement construction. That is, with the exception of east
Jerusalem and the 2,500 or so housing units in settlements that have
already started.
Add to this a recent Peace Now report, which revealed that even if the
government agreed to a settlement freeze, this would include only 40
percent of construction in settlements today. The majority of
settlement building is undertaken by private companies, over which the
government has no control.
Settlements aside, there is the separation wall to consider. Israel,
which continues to maintain that the wall was primarily erected for its
own security purposes, has proven that it is actually a de facto
border. It does not run along the Green Line but deep within the West
Bank where the major Jewish settlement blocs are located. Hence, it
effectively puts these settlements on the "Israeli" side of the wall,
thus cutting into the so-called future Palestinian state and isolating
Palestinians both from each other and in some cases, from the land off
of which they live. Let's not forget that the wall alone cuts into
approximately seven percent of the West Bank but practically, takes up
nearly 40 percent in infrastructure and roads systems.
So, what's left? There are isolated pockets of Palestinian
constituencies living in crowded cities and towns. Each major area is
separated from the other by Israeli checkpoints and all are isolated
from Jerusalem by a strict Israeli checkpoint and permit system.
East Jerusalem, occupied in 1967 is supposedly to remain unaltered
until final status negotiations determine its fate. However, neither
has east Jerusalem escaped Israel's colonialist clutches. Approximately
200,000 Jewish settlers live in the surrounding settlements while
individual settler groups continue to take over house by house in
strategic areas of east Jerusalem in a bid to Judaize the entire city.
Along the road to Jerusalem anyone can see the painful sight of two
evicted Palestinian families in Sheikh Jarrah, whose homes are now
inhabited by Jewish settlers.
Hence, when all is said and done, a very bleak picture indeed stares
back at us - one that tells a single truth. Without a major reversal of
Israel's measures on the ground over the past 42 years in the
Palestinian territories, the two-state solution can never come to
fruition. For that to happen, there must be an international political
will for change, something we have yet to see in full force.
So when Lieberman says that President Obama's goal of establishing a
Palestinian state within two years is "unrealistic", we Palestinians
have no choice but to concur.
Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Program at the
Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and
Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at
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